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Elon Musk's political stances and involvement with the Trump Administration have diminished Tesla's dominance in the electric vehicle market. Consumer disapproval, particularly from left-leaning individuals and moderates, has coincided with a decrease in Tesla's performance. The first quarter of 2025 saw a sales decline compared to the previous year, and net income plummeted by 71% during the same period. Consequently, Tesla's share price has fallen by over 40% since its peak in December. Previously, Tesla's struggles would have signaled a broader downturn for EV adoption and the overall push for decarbonizing transportation. Tesla pioneered the mass-market electric car in the U.S. and remains a leading seller of EVs domestically. However, the landscape has shifted, and EV success is no longer solely dependent on Tesla's performance. Other automakers have experienced year-over-year growth in EV sales in the U.S. In Europe, Volkswagen surpassed Tesla in EV sales, becoming the continent's top EV producer. Globally, [Brand Name] was the top-selling EV brand in Q1. While [Another Company Name] has paused [Specific Action], analysts still anticipate continued EV adoption both in the U.S. and worldwide. Tesla paved the way for EVs but may not be the sole leader guiding the U.S. towards an all-electric future. A simple review of the data might lead one to dismiss the idea that Tesla has lost its edge. Despite sales declines, Tesla remains the top EV seller by a significant margin and possesses a substantial financial position, with a market capitalization of $880 billion – more than 20 times that of Ford Motor Company. "The company's future hinges on large-scale autonomous cars and vast quantities of autonomous humanoid robots," Musk stated during the earnings call. Tesla's market cap reflects more than just EV sales. During the recent earnings call, Musk and other executives mentioned a planned release of a new, more affordable model. However, the primary focus was on autonomous vehicles and AI-powered robots. The company's valuation, exceeding 140 times its earnings, suggests investors are betting on technological breakthroughs beyond just EV sales. Meanwhile, other automakers face a complex situation. Many have scaled back their EV ambitions, canceling some factory projects in response to shifting consumer preferences and policy changes in the U.S. Despite this, legacy automakers continue to introduce new models to compete for market share, including lower-priced EVs aimed at attracting a broader consumer base. Chevrolet, Ford, and Rivian are all developing models targeting the mid-market, and without the political issues associated with Musk and Tesla. Globally, Chinese EVs have entered markets with prices lower than those of Western-made vehicles. The road ahead for EV deployment and transportation decarbonization remains challenging. However, for the first time, Tesla's performance may not provide a complete picture of the EV market. To get this story in your inbox, subscribe to the TIME CO2 Leadership Report newsletter . This story is supported by a partnership with  and Journalism Funding Partners. TIME is solely responsible for the content.

` tags. ```xml Looking for a holistic approach to better health? Yoga, incorporating breath control (pranayama) and meditation, has been shown to positively influence the nervous system, which governs internal functions and movements. Yoga's effectiveness stems from its ability to harmonize the sympathetic and parasympathetic nervous systems. The sympathetic system triggers the "fight-or-flight" response, preparing the body for activity, while the parasympathetic system promotes the "rest-and-digest" response, conserving energy. These systems originate in different parts of the central nervous system: parasympathetic nerves from the brain and brainstem, and sympathetic nerves from the spinal cord. Breathing exercises, or pranayama, are a natural and potent way to regulate both. Read More: Yoga induces a calming effect by counteracting the sympathetic nervous system's rapid response to stress. Regular practice can improve digestion, boost the immune system, and lower the risk of hypertension, asthma, and stress-related psychological issues like anxiety. Practitioners suggest this is achieved through a unique fusion of scientific principles and spiritual understanding. The body’s chakras Yogis believe the body contains chakras, or energy centers, where feelings and thoughts converge, regulating energy flow. These chakras must work in harmony for physical and mental well-being. The body's seven main chakras align along the body's midline. Two reside in the head, governed by the parasympathetic system. The "crown" chakra is linked to the pituitary gland and hypothalamus, which regulate the endocrine system. Yogic philosophy sees its opening as the full blossoming of consciousness. Moving downward, the "third eye" chakra connects to the pineal gland, responsible for melatonin production. Perception, awareness, and spiritual connection are associated with this chakra. The remaining main chakras are situated along the five spinal segments—cervical, thoracic, lumbar, sacrum, and coccyx—controlled by the sympathetic nervous system. These are the "throat," "heart and lungs," "gastrointestinal," "sacral," and "pelvis plexus" chakras, each tied to a hormone or gland, as well as a natural element and spiritual principle. The throat chakra, for instance, is linked to the thyroid and parathyroid glands, key endocrine system components. It's seen as an energy gateway between the body's lower and upper regions. It also carries a mystical meaning. The throat chakra relates to "space," its associated element, and the freedom of self-expression. The Hatha Yoga Pradipika, a 15th-century Sanskrit text, states that meditating on this chakra unlocks occult abilities. While modern yogis might not claim supernatural powers, free self-expression has long been essential for human health. What yoga does to the body All yoga traditions consider spinal cord energy—where the seven chakras align—to be a form of divine feminine energy that invigorates the body. Yoga calls this energy Kundalini Shakti, often depicted as a coiled serpent at the spine's base. A primary yoga goal involves awakening this innate power by guiding prana (breath or life-energy) from the spine's base to the crown chakra, connecting the sympathetic and parasympathetic nervous systems' seven chakras. The pituitary gland and hypothalamus can then collaboratively regulate the endocrine system. Practitioners believe that opening the crown chakra fosters spiritual connection, divine awareness, and a sense of universal unity. It's not surprising that yoga has been long regarded as the ultimate mind-body practice. Combining yoga postures with mental focus and breathwork can strengthen the body, mind, and potentially even the spirit. Excerpted from Genesis of Yoga by Tony Sanchez. Copyright © 2025 by Tony Sanchez. Reprinted with permission of author. All rights reserved. ```

About half an hour into TIME's interview with President Donald Trump in the Oval Office on April 22nd, an aide interrupted to inform the President that the Prime Minister of India was calling. The aide handed Trump a note, and he answered the phone on his desk, with hold music audible. Earlier that day, gunmen had committed an attack in Kashmir, and Trump asked the TIME representatives to remain seated while he offered his condolences to the other world leader. He mouthed the word terrorism to explain the call. During the call, he gestured toward the Oval Office wall, suggesting a look at the new paintings and decorations. (“This is new and improved,” Trump commented about the office upon entry.) This marked TIME's fourth interview with Trump since he secured the Republican presidential nomination the previous spring. It was a rare, extensive, and on-the-record interview, among the lengthiest he has granted to any news outlet since assuming office in January. The purpose was to discuss Trump's initial 100 days in office, a significant period for any president, particularly one as ambitious and assertive as this. The discussion occurred during a critical moment for Trump's second term. Earlier that day, his economic policies had resulted in negative headlines. The performance of key U.S. stock market indicators was being compared to the years 1928 and 1932. ("Just don't move," Trump advised regarding retirement savings. "You’ll be good. You’ll see.") The Defense Secretary faced criticism for staff departures and the handling of confidential information. Ongoing international conflicts, including the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which Trump claimed he could resolve swiftly during his campaign, persisted. “The war has been raging for three years. I just got here, and you say, what’s taken so long?” he stated. However, the primary focus was Trump's reshaping of the American presidency. In his first 100 days, he has strived to diminish the power of rival U.S. institutions—the courts, Congress, the media, and law firms—concentrating it within the presidency at a rate and scale possibly unseen since Franklin D. Roosevelt. Trump refuted the idea that he was overextending presidential authority. “I don’t feel I’m expanding it,” he asserted. “I think I’m using it as it was meant to be used.” Trump's return to Washington remains striking. In the private dining area, where Trump had watched the U.S. Capitol attack on television, Fox News was broadcasting footage of his press secretary, Karoline Leavitt, addressing the press. A pile of documents, including a large map of Ukraine, and a golden television remote were on the table. Above a doorway hung the boxing championship belt left behind by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky after a recent, unsuccessful visit with Trump. A nearby small room housed cabinets filled with merchandise for visitors, including MAGA hats in red, white, and black, travel mugs, Trump-branded towels, and golden Trump basketball sneakers. For over a century, TIME has provided coverage of global leaders, offering exclusive interviews and reports to promote transparency and accountability. Consistent with past practices, the full transcript of the interview with Trump and an analysis of his remarks will be published alongside this week’s cover story, authored by Eric Cortellessa, who covered Trump's most recent campaign and his return to office for TIME. Trump’s relationship with TIME spans decades, dating back to his first cover appearance in 1989. The current cover marks his 46th, equaling that of Ronald Reagan, whose portrait is prominently displayed in the Oval Office. These two Republican presidents are surpassed only by Richard Nixon, who has appeared on the cover of TIME more than any other individual. The new cover photograph was taken by Martin Schoeller, who first photographed Trump for TIME's cover in the summer following the launch of his initial presidential campaign, which initiated a political era that has reshaped this century. The headline on that cover read: “Deal with it.”

` tags: ```xml President Trump is likely to concede ground first regarding trade relations with China. An initial indication of this occurred recently when he mentioned a potential adjustment to the significant tariffs imposed on Chinese goods. Treasury Secretary suggested a possible resolution to the existing trade standoff between the two major economies. Reaching an agreement would undoubtedly benefit both nations. The ongoing trade conflict has negatively impacted financial markets, increased economic uncertainty, and created a slowdown in the U.S. economy. Simultaneously, China's shipping sector has experienced a decline, indicating strain on its export activities, a crucial factor in the nation's economic expansion. However, considerable hurdles remain in achieving a resolution. Currently, there are no substantial discussions taking place between the U.S. and China, leaving no immediate solution in sight. This situation is partly due to China's reluctance to initiate such discussions. Chinese officials believe their system offers greater unity and resilience than the U.S. government in dealing with the impact of a trade war. They anticipate less public concern or political reaction to market fluctuations compared to the U.S. Additionally, the Chinese government has the ability to influence public opinion regarding the trade war through state-controlled media outlets. Furthermore, China possesses the means to inflict economic pain on the U.S., such as limiting the supply of rare earth elements and essential components vital to American industries. A prolonged trade war could severely disrupt U.S. manufacturing, result in job losses, and lead to increased inflation and product shortages. Chinese leaders appear to anticipate that Trump will experience political pressure sooner and more intensely than Xi Jinping. Essentially, China believes time is on its side. This perspective explains China's cautious approach to trade negotiations. Given their perceived advantage and ability to be patient, they will await Trump's specific demands before engaging in negotiations. Trump has asserted that China needs a trade agreement and must make concessions to maintain access to the U.S. market. However, this view is not shared by Chinese leaders, who perceive Trump as an unpredictable negotiator who often changes his mind and rarely adheres to agreements. Considering these dynamics, any de-escalation of the trade war is likely to require a concession from Trump, rather than an initiative from Beijing. To reach an agreement, Trump needs to define clear objectives and empower his team to negotiate accordingly. He must also acknowledge China's desire for respect and ensure that any agreement can be presented as a mutually beneficial outcome. During his initial term, Trump finalized a trade agreement with China. As part of this agreement, China pledged to increase its purchases of U.S. goods and services significantly above 2017 levels. However, China did not fulfill its purchasing commitments. Consequently, there is limited support within the U.S. for a renewed agreement based on similar purchasing pledges. The challenge lies in identifying areas of shared interest between Washington and Beijing that could justify negotiations. One potential area is China's commitment to transitioning its economy towards greater domestic consumption. Concrete steps in this direction could benefit both sides, fostering Chinese economic growth while reducing export reliance. Trump might also consider negotiations related to Chinese investment in U.S. manufacturing, excluding sectors related to national security. Chinese investments could enable Trump to highlight progress in revitalizing American industry, while Xi could emphasize the expanded opportunities for Chinese companies to profit in the U.S. market. Even these limited objectives may be difficult to achieve, given the heightened political tensions surrounding the trade war. The alternative is to allow the trade war to continue and await the upcoming diplomatic engagements. Both Trump and Xi are expected to attend the APEC summit in South Korea in November. This event will be the first opportunity for them to meet and potentially guide future negotiations. The possibility of discussions prior to November remains. Both sides still have a limited opportunity to mitigate the escalating costs of the trade war. However, China is unlikely to initiate such actions. Any move to resolve the conflict will likely need to come from Trump. ```

This article is from The D.C. Brief, TIME’s politics newsletter. Subscribe to receive similar stories directly. Donald Trump's approval ratings are currently among the lowest he has seen while holding office. Considering his historical unpopularity, this is significant. During most of his first term, Trump relied on strong economic performance and border security to balance out his controversial behavior. However, recent polls assessing his first 100 days back in office indicate that his support in these areas is declining. In fact, these weakening pillars are contributing to his overall decline as he pursues more radical policies. Recent polls show Trump performing poorly on economic management. A Reuters poll found his approval rating at just 37%. While his immigration numbers aren't as bad, they're still low amidst a deportation surge that has affected both U.S. citizens and legal residents. His disapproval ratings have steadily risen since his return to the White House, reaching 52% in a New York Times average as of Thursday. Joe Biden, Barack Obama, and George W. Bush all had better ratings at similar points in their presidencies. Trump 2.0 finds little comfort in surpassing Trump 1.0's numbers from eight years ago. (This excludes a harsh Fox News poll from Wednesday that places him just within his first-term numbers' margin of error.) Trump's polling decline this century is unmatched by any other U.S. President. Furthermore, his starting point wasn't great either; his second term began with the second-worst numbers of any modern President, only spared by his initial term. You'd have to go back to 1953 to find a first-time President with worse numbers (Dwight D. Eisenhower, a political newcomer). The latest polls for The Economist and YouGov give Trump a negative 13-point approval rating—a three-point drop in one week. (Biden had an 11-point positive rating at the same point in his term.) According to Pew's latest polling, Trump is viewed negatively by nearly every demographic group except Republicans and those who voted for him. Men, women, people of color, college graduates and non-graduates all have a negative view of him. He is not viewed positively on any issue, including immigration, trade, public health, the economy, foreign policy, or tax policy. The reason for Trump's declining popularity isn't simple, but the economy is a key factor. His tariff disputes have unsettled markets. His increasing trade war is causing Wall Street to regret its support. His mass deportations are creating labor shortages for employers and overwhelming the courts. His dismantling and restructuring of the government projects instability. A new Gallup poll this week showed the worst economic confidence levels since 2001, when the question was first asked. Trump's initial 12-point advantage on the economy has turned into a 12-point deficit, a significant shift affecting about a quarter of voters, according to Economist/YouGov data. A similar decline is seen in the same poll's immigration question. An initial 11-point net positive has become a 5-point net negative in that Economist/YouGov survey. In the new Pew poll, immigration is seen as Trump's best accomplishment, approved by about 20% of Americans. It's the only area where Trump is above water, although Fox News data hints at problems, with just 47% approving and 48% disapproving. When asked about their biggest criticism of his term so far, 22% of adults told Pew that it's his governing style. Trump's fading popularity doesn't heal the wounds he's inflicting on Washington, but it does offer hope for Democrats who have struggled to counter his actions that undermine the rule of law, the economy, or the government itself. Politically independent voters, crucial in elections, have become a major weakness in Trump's coalition. According to Quinnipiac polling, the disapproval rate among independent voters has risen from 53% in January to 65% today. A 12-point swing with independents is a game-changer and should make Republicans consider whether Trump's popularity can protect them in the next election. There are also warning signs among Republicans. A Fox poll asked GOP voters about their outlook for this second term, and 75% said they were "encouraged" about the next four years. While seemingly good, 84% of these same voters expressed the same sentiment during Trump's first term. If this continues, the Capitol groundskeepers may need to prepare the Speaker's suite for a new occupant, particularly given the Democrats' strong fundraising this cycle. Republicans currently hold a narrow seven-seat majority in the House. So far, GOP lawmakers have deferred to the belief that only Trump could save them from primary losses. However, these latest numbers suggest he may be adding to their problems. Understand the important issues in Washington. .

` tags. ```xml Before leading the Democratic National Committee (DNC), I dedicated my career to the party at various levels. My initial mentor was the late , a progressive leader known for courageous stances, such as opposing the Iraq War, which drew criticism from influential figures. The young staff, including myself, were passionate about change. We aimed to reform the established systems. I recall Paul emphasizing that lasting change requires internal involvement.  Recent discussions have centered on the Democratic Party's role in selecting general election candidates. A DNC vice chair recently proposed influencing democratic primaries. I want to explain why this is a mistake. Actually, I consider myself a reformer. That's why, for the past decade, I've worked to ensure the party is never seen as favoring any one candidate. As DNC Chair, I'm committed to preventing past mistakes. Here’s why. Eight years ago, the Democratic Party faced a major crisis. We not only failed to prevent Donald Trump's election, but we also saw of Democratic voters. The DNC was plagued by allegations of favoring a candidate during the presidential primary. This controversy alienated even the most loyal supporters, who felt that party leaders, not voters, were deciding the Democratic nominee. Some even threatened to leave the party. As we faced the Trump presidency, our party was weakened when working families needed us most. Losing voter trust weakens our ability to advocate for them. The year 2016 was a critical turning point. We needed significant changes to recover. Around that time, I was chosen to lead the Association of State Democratic Committees, an organization largely unknown to the public. My new role involved coordinating all 57 state and territory Democratic parties. This allowed me to collaborate with the newly elected DNC leadership to implement essential structural reforms. First, the 2016 primary highlighted concerns about the role of "superdelegates." At contested conventions, like in 2016, their votes could be decisive. I proposed a solution that fundamentally altered, and , the influence of superdelegates, ensuring that voters, not party insiders, would determine the party's nominee. Second, alongside Keith Ellison, then a U.S. Representative from Minnesota, I pushed for a comprehensive neutrality policy to eliminate any appearance of bias toward candidates in the DNC's operations. Now as Chair, I believe this should be formally included in our bylaws. This isn’t about personal opinions, but about principles. It doesn't matter if you're challenging or defending a seat, or if you're 18 or 80. I certainly have my own views. However, as DNC Chair, the person who ensures fair play, it's not my place to decide. You can't be both a participant and the referee. Our role is simple: let voters decide, and then work tirelessly to elect that Democrat. This is not a personal decision, but a commitment to the integrity of our party's democratic process. Our duty is to maintain a fair, transparent, and reliable process—not to manipulate the outcome. In the coming days, I will present a series of structural reforms that formally integrate neutrality and fairness into our party rules, requiring all party officials, including myself, to remain impartial in all Democratic primaries. A clear neutrality policy protects against the abuse of power by those in leadership positions. The summarizes it well: "A party that seeks the people's trust must demonstrate that it trusts the people." ```