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Starting next week, Earth's lunar companion will have a new neighbor: a second moon. From Sept. 29 until Nov. 25, astronomers calculate that 2024 PT5— which is considered an asteroid by scientists but has been dubbed a “mini-moon”—will be orbiting Earth. It will eventually escape Earth's gravitational pull. Unfortunately, at only about 10 meters across, the mini-moon will be extremely difficult to see from Earth. However, its presence will be felt for almost two months. The asteroid, which was discovered on Aug. 7 by , originated from the Arjuna asteroid belt, where it will likely return once it leaves Earth’s orbit. “Earth can regularly capture asteroids from the Near-Earth object (NEO) population and pull them into orbit, making them mini-moons,” researchers Carlos de la Fuente Marcos and Raúl de la Fuente Marcos wrote in their .  According to NASA, a is any body, asteroid or otherwise, that is “nudged” by the gravitational attraction of nearby planets that pushes them to Earth’s neighborhood. NASA that works to track the locations and orbits of tens of thousands 28,000 asteroids, with data pages for every NEO, including their orbital parameters and a close approach summaries. Paul Chodas, director of the Center for Near Earth Object Studies at NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory, said 2024 PT5 is possibly a piece of ejecta from an impact on the moon, meaning the mini-moon may have originated as a piece of the original moon, according to the . Mini-moons can come in multiple types, according to research. The first, “temporary captured orbiters,” are long episodes in which bodies perform one or more revolutions around the Earth and can remain in the planet’s orbit for many months, or even years. The second, which includes the upcoming mini-moon, are dubbed “temporary captured flybys,” as they do not complete one revolution and remain in Earth’s orbit for a very short period of time.

Imagine a time when the Earth, 466 million years ago, was adorned with a ring system much like Saturn's. This, according to a new study published in Earth and Planetary Science Letters, is a possible reality. This rings hypothesis not only sheds light on the celestial landscape surrounding Earth, but also explains a significant global cooling event known as the Hirnantian Icehouse, which saw average temperatures drop by 8°C (14.4°F). The research, led by Dr. , a professor at Monash University in Australia, delves into the ancient Earth during the Ordovician period, a time when continents were predominantly clustered in the southern and lower northern hemispheres. During this era, life was flourishing in the oceans and seas with vertebrates, invertebrates, algae, and sea plants thriving, while the land remained devoid of life. Within this period, a 40 million year span known as the Ordovician Impact Spike saw the Earth bombarded with meteorites. Evidence of these collisions lies in the high levels of —meteoric ingredients composed of silicates, sulphides, iron-nickel, and more—found in limestone from that period. While many of the impact craters have vanished due to ice cover, erosion, and tectonic activity, 21 of them remain, offering valuable insights. Ancient craters are often preserved in geologically stable areas called —large regions with minimal geological change over time. Cratons exist globally, including in western Australia, North America, Greenland, Scandinavia, Siberia, India, Sri Lanka, southern Africa, and eastern South America. However, the position of these continents during the Ordovician period differed from their current locations. Tomkins and his colleagues noticed that all 21 preserved Ordovician craters were concentrated within 30 degrees of the equator at the time of the impacts, despite 70% of the ancient continents being outside this band. Given the random nature of meteor showers, the probability of all surviving craters being clustered in this narrow latitude is statistically improbable. This observation suggests a force concentrating the incoming meteorites, and Tomkins and his colleagues believe they have identified that force: a ring system. The conventional explanation for the Ordovician Impact Spike—a large body fragmenting in the asteroid belt and sending debris towards Earth—does not align with the crater location. The researchers propose a more fitting scenario: an intact asteroid escaping the asteroid belt and wandering towards the inner solar system. During its journey, it came close enough to Earth to be pulled apart by our planet's , the boundary where Earth's gravitational force dominates. This event created a flying rubble field that eventually settled into an orbiting ring around the Earth's equator. This ring was temporary, eventually succumbing to Earth's gravity and , pulling the debris down to the surface. “Over millions of years, material from this ring gradually fell to Earth, creating the spike in meteorite impacts observed in the geological record,” said Tomkins in that accompanied the paper’s release. “We … see that layers in sedimentary rocks from this period contain extraordinary amounts of meteorite debris.” Before the ring dissipated, it had a significant impact on Earth's climate. The 23-degree tilt of Earth's axis caused the ring to cast a shadow on the planet, leading to a global cooling effect. The collisions that brought the ring's debris down to Earth kicked up dust, further increasing the darkness and contributing to the cooling. “The idea that a ring system could have influenced global temperatures adds a new layer of complexity to our understanding of how extraterrestrial events may have shaped Earth’s climate,” said Tomkins. 

Adrian Wojnarowski, a well-known NBA reporter for ESPN, is stepping away from broadcasting to return to his alma mater, St. Bonaventure University. He will take on the newly created position of general manager for the men’s basketball program, the university announced on Wednesday. Wojnarowski will oversee a wide range of responsibilities, working alongside coach Mark Schmidt and his staff. His duties will include focusing on name, image, and likeness (NIL) opportunities, transfer portal management, recruiting, and building relationships with alumni players. “I’m thrilled and humbled to return to St. Bonaventure with an opportunity to serve the university,” Wojnarowski said in a statement released by the school in Allegany, New York. “I’m hopeful to share with members of our community some best practices learned from the most successful franchises and minds in the NBA and committed to opening doors globally for our players both on and off the court.” Wojnarowski graduated from St. Bonaventure with a journalism degree in 1991 and received an honorary doctorate from the school in 2022. The 55-year-old has worked at ESPN since 2017. His decision to retire came while he was still under contract with the broadcaster, signed in 2022. Wojnarowski, who previously worked at Yahoo Sports and The Record of New Jersey, is a two-time APSE columnist of the year and was voted the National Sports Media Association’s National Sportswriter of the year over a three-year span from 2017-19. Schmidt described Wojnarowski’s addition to his staff as a “home run,” adding: “This move is critical to navigate the new landscape of college basketball in NIL, recruiting and retention.” St. Bonaventure is located in the Allegany Mountains in southwest New York, about a 90-minute drive south of Buffalo. The Catholic school, with an enrollment of about 2,000 students, is seeking to capitalize on Wojnarowski’s name recognition, while following other programs that have created the role of GM in the NIL era. He is best known for breaking NBA news with what became known as “Woj Bombs” on social media. “While we will miss his daily output, we completely understand his decision to make a lifestyle change and slow down a bit,” ESPN chairman Jimmy Pitaro said in a statement. “We know he will continue to thrive in this next chapter, and he has our collective gratitude and support.” Bob Beretta, St. Bonaventure vice president and director of intercollegiate athletics, called Wojnarowski’s addition an “incredible opportunity” for the school to tap in to his many basketball connections. “At a time of tremendous turbulence within the intercollegiate athletics enterprise, we are making a strong statement that St. Bonaventure continues to be on the forefront of change,” Beretta said. “The fact that the preeminent journalist in his field is willing to walk away from a lucrative media career to serve his alma mater in a support role is a testament to his love and passion for Bona.”

Almost is expected to live in urban areas by 2050. Finding a way for people to get around those cities while tackling emissions presents a conundrum: Transportation accounts for a in cities and is integral to achieving decarbonization goals. So far, worldwide have committed to halving their greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 to comply with the Paris Agreement’s goal of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. But getting people from their homes to buses, light rails or other public transport can be a challenge. While mass public transit in cities is excellent for carrying commuters across long distances, it doesn’t always begin or end where commuters need it to. Getting to the bus or metro stop from home and to work can be a challenge, potentially discouraging using public transit in the first place. In the U.S., the maximum distance most people will walk to get to public transit is. Micromobility—shared scooters, bikes, and other forms of shared individual vehicles—is one way to  bridge this gap, reducing traffic and congestion, and decreasing carbon emissions at the same time. Around of shared mobility riders reported that they used shared micromobility to connect to transit. According to the , in 2022, shared micromobility offset emissions by replacing auto trips across North America.  “To the degree that it is replacing trips that would otherwise be taken with a car, micromobility has a big climate impact,” says Colin Murphy, director of research and consulting at the nonprofit   More than half of all trips in the U.S. by car are , the sweet spot that most riders are able to comfortably cover with things like shared scooters or bikes. If some of these can be substituted with lower-emitting forms of transport, it can help cities lower their carbon emissions, he adds. Already, more than 400 cities across the U.S. have. Cities like ,  have partnered with Bird, an e-scooter ride-sharing company to reduce the amount of passenger cars in city centers. Bird Rides estimates could remove 112,500 lbs, or 56 tons, of carbon dioxide annually by using these scooters rather than alternative transportation. Improving access to micromobility initiatives has also had an added benefit of also reducing environmental hazards like air pollution and increasing safety by having less cars on the road. When planned with equity in mind, it can increase access to public transit in underserved communities. “Micromobility can help create new connections and it can improve existing connections. It is one tool in the toolbox, but it depends on an environment where there is robust public transit,” he adds. Better and adaptive infrastructure, such as dedicated bike lanes, and parking areas, are key for making micromobility more accessible. But for people who can’t use scooters and e-bikes because of disability, age, or distance, other shared mobility strategies have also been explored to reduce the use of personal vehicles. Earlier this year, Via, which provides digital infrastructure for public transportation, to create an on-demand app-based public ride-share service. Via Jersey City uses TransitTech software from Via to match multiple riders headed in the same direction into one shared minivan at $2 per ride. Trips are free to and from the newly-reopened Port Liberte Ferry terminal. Via estimates that almost 6 million miles of driving have been avoided since 2020. In Lake Tahoe, where cars are heavily used, transportation has one of the largest impacts on the environment causing congestion, carbon emissions, and runoff that pollutes the blue waters of Lake Tahoe. To combat this, the League to Save Lake Tahoe has worked since 2018 to bring microtransit solutions to the area. Now three microtransit systems are in operation in Lake Tahoe: Mountaineer in Olympic Valley, Tart Connect in the North Shore, and Lake Link in the South Shore. Using a curb-to-curb system, riders can request free rides via an app and the algorithm will match them with a shared van. “It’s not a standalone system. The vision is that it helps solve that first and last mile and feeds people into the traditional fixed-route system,” says Gavin Feiger, policy director at the League to Save Lake Tahoe. Since launching Lake Link in 2022, the group estimates that they have taken over 111,000 cars off the road, reducing emissions from over 200,000 car miles driven. The League to Save Lake Tahoe has also worked with Lime to bring bikes and scooters to South Lake Tahoe, which has been equally successful. In 2020, more than 60,000 people took over 200,000 rides on just the e-scooters alone, saving around 186,000 vehicle miles traveled, the organization estimates. These kinds of shared mobility systems are important for taking cars off the road, says Feiger, but it needs to be part of a larger plan to reduce car usage at all stages in someone’s journey. “We need to improve our public transit, regional connectivity, as well as even getting to Tahoe without a car in the first place,” he says. “It’s a really important part of the solution but not the only one.”

On November 5, voters across the country will head to the polls—and then wait as the ballots are counted to determine the next President of the United States. However, there is a strong possibility that Americans will go to sleep that night without knowing the winner. If, as anticipated, the race between Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump is close, experts suggest that the delay in counting mail-in ballots might prevent a clear winner from being declared on election night.  ​​”The closer the election is, the less likely we will be able to know on election night,” states Andrew Hall, Professor of Political Economy at Stanford University.  Counting mail-in ballots takes longer because the process involves additional layers of processing and verification that in some states can’t begin until Election Day. “There’s a much more complicated process that election offices go through in terms of getting those ballots and confirming that they are from registered voters,” explains Jen Leighley, Professor of Political Science at American University. The ballots themselves have to be unsealed, and verification sometimes involves matching up a signature or photo ID. In 2020, mail-in ballots made up as voters turned to the option during the pandemic. President Joe Biden wasn’t officially declared the winner until Saturday, Nov. 7, more than three days after Election Day. There have been delays in statewide races, too: In Arizona, a battleground state in the 2024 contest, the vote count for the 2022 gubernatorial election went on for days after the election after the state received a last-minute flurry of . In some states, including Florida and Georgia, mail-in ballots are processed ahead of Election Day. In other key states, including Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, processing doesn’t begin until Election Day, which can lead to delays in a tight race. In roughly half of the states, voters are able to “cure” their ballots in the case of minor errors, such as a missing signature or photo. In some cases, voters are able to cure their ballot a few days after Election Day, which can further drag out the count.  Some states have made efforts to expedite the ballot counting process. In June, Nevada moved to allow the counting of early voting returns and mail ballot returns to begin at 8 AM on Election Day, rather than after the polls close. Georgia and Michigan have also moved up their vote counting timelines.  As more voters turned to mail-in voting during the pandemic, the shift was visible as the results trickled in. “Democrats voted by mail at significantly higher rates than Republicans,” says Hall. “The early counts tended to favor the Republicans. And then as the hours and days went by and the mail ballots were being counted, you saw this big shift back towards the Democrats.” In 2020, Trump was quick to blame his loss on the delay from mail-in ballots, calling the system “corrupt.” (Courts found no significant instances of fraud in the 2020 election.) Hall says that any delays might open the door for more post-election litigation, which could slow down results even further. “[There’s] a tail risk of a period of genuine uncertainty over who has won the election and who’s going to get certified that we haven’t really experienced before,” he says.  So when might the election be called? The answer hinges, Hall says, on when the “most contested, most crucial battleground states finish counting.” And that, experts say, is not likely to happen on Nov. 5.

JEFFERSON CITY, Mo. — The FBI and the U.S. Postal Inspection Service on Tuesday were investigating the origin of suspicious packages that have been sent to or received by elections officials in more than 15 states. However, there were no immediate reports of injuries or that any of the packages contained hazardous material. The latest packages were sent to elections officials in Alaska, Colorado, Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Missouri, New York and Rhode Island. Mississippi authorities reported a package was delivered there Monday, and the Connecticut Secretary of State’s office said the FBI alerted it of a package that was intercepted. The FBI is collecting the packages, some of which contained “an unknown substance,” agency spokesperson Kristen Setera in Boston said in a statement. “We are also working with our partners to determine how many letters were sent, the individual or individuals responsible for the letters, and the motive behind the letters,” she said. “As this is an ongoing matter we will not be commenting further on the investigation, but the public can be assured safety is our top priority.” It’s the second time this year that suspicious packages were mailed to election officials in multiple states. The latest scare comes as early voting has begun in several states ahead of the Nov. 5 election for president, Senate, Congress and key statehouse offices, causing disruption in an already tense voting season. Local election directors are working to keep workers and polling places safe while also ensuring that ballots and voting procedures won’t be tampered with. The National Association of Secretaries of State condemned what it described as a “disturbing trend” of threats to election workers leading up to Nov. 5, as well as the second indictment on former President Donald Trump. “This must stop, period,” the group said. “Our democracy has no place for political violence, threats or intimidation of any kind.” The Colorado Secretary of State’s Office said a package containing white powder and with the sender listed as “U.S. Traitor Elimination Army” was intercepted at a mail facility. It said the package was similar to those sent to other states and that early indications suggest the powder was harmless. On Tuesday, the FBI notified the Massachusetts Secretary of the Commonwealth’s office that postal service investigators had identified a suspicious envelope delivered to a building housing state offices. The package was intercepted. Packages also were sent to secretaries of state and election offices in Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, Oklahoma, Tennessee and Wyoming this week. The packages forced evacuations in Iowa, Oklahoma and Wyoming. Hazmat crews quickly determined the material was harmless. The Mississippi Secretary of State’s Elections Division said it received a package similar to those sent to other states and that the state Department of Homeland Security was testing it. The division said it has notified county election officials to be on the lookout. Oklahoma officials said the material sent to the election office there contained flour. “We have specific protocols in place for situations such as this,” Iowa Secretary of State Paul Pate said in a statement after the evacuation of the six-story Lucas State Office Building in Des Moines. A state office building in Topeka, Kansas, was evacuated due to suspicious mail sent to both the secretary of state and attorney general, Kansas Highway Patrol spokesperson April M. McCollum said in a statement. Topeka Fire Department crews found several pieces of mail with an unknown substance on them, though a field test found no hazardous materials, spokesperson Rosie Nichols said. Several employees were exposed to it and were being monitored. In Oklahoma, the State Election Board received a suspicious envelope in the mail containing a multi-page document and a white, powdery substance, agency spokesperson Misha Mohr said. Testing determined the substance was flour. State workers in an office building next to the Wyoming Capitol in Cheyenne were sent home Monday pending testing of a white substance mailed to the secretary of state’s office. Suspicious letters were sent to election offices and government buildings in at least six states last November, including Fulton County, Georgia, which received suspicious mail Monday. While some of the letters contained fentanyl, even the suspicious mail that was not toxic delayed the counting of ballots in some local elections. One of the targeted offices was in Fulton County, Georgia, the largest voting jurisdiction in one of the nation’s most important swing states. Fulton County election officials had to be evacuated as election workers were processing ballots cast, delaying vote-counting. The letters caused election workers around the country to feel anxious about their safety. Election officials have taken steps to increase security amid threats and harassment following the 2020 election and the false claims that it was rigged.

On Sept. 22, India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi is scheduled to address a gathering of over 10,000 Indian Americans in New York City. While Modi likely aims for this visit to be seen as a triumph, similar to his 2019 Texas event, it should be the opposite. Modi's government's extreme Hindu nationalist agenda, which has targeted religious minorities, has led to a decline in his popularity during the recent election. With support for his Bharatiya Janata Party and India's opposition experiencing a rise in voter support, marking a first in recent years, this new check on Modi's power is beneficial for India, the U.S., and the interconnected relationship between both nations. There has never been a moral justification for the U.S. to support Modi's policies from afar, and now there is even less of a strategic reason. After all, Modi's veiled references to Muslims as "” during the last campaign cycle contributed to a wider wave of in 2024. Modi is yet to be held accountable for the in 2002. U.S. officials and citizens alike must recognize that this leader's days are numbered, and speak out against his authoritarian tendencies while the global media focuses on him during his latest American tour. New York City Mayor Eric Adams, New York City Council members Shekar Krishnan and Shahana Hanif, and New York State Representative Zohran Mamdani have taken a crucial step by the presence of an anti-Muslim hate symbol at the Modi-allied New York Indian Consulate for the city’s India Day parade on . An interfaith coalition is planning a large protest outside the Nassau Coliseum on Long Island, where Modi is set to speak. Washington state representative Pramila Jayapal has condemned Hindu nationalism on multiple occasions, and she in June signed by dozens of U.S. lawmakers highlighting Modi’s troubling human rights record during his last U.S. visit in June. According to Pew Research, a of Americans who know Modi “have little or no confidence in his ability to do the right thing regarding world affairs.” Globally, and particularly in Europe, attitudes towards Modi have . Indian Americans, local, and national politicians must leverage this momentum by addressing Modi’s problematic record on human rights and democracy during his upcoming visit. Such a demonstration will have global implications. The Indian diaspora has been referred to as for a reason, offering both essential financial and political backing for his policies at home. With American diaspora events widely reported in major Indian news outlets, any criticism of Modi is bound to resonate abroad.  This action will also convey a strong message that Modi's critics in the diaspora cannot be silenced. Indian Americans have been subjected to via online BJP trolls, card statuses have been revoked, and Indian family members of U.S. citizens have been . Reporting in The Washington Post has that former Indian intelligence officials targeted several U.S. organizations with widespread disinformation campaigns aimed at Congress to undermine Modi’s American critics. The Indian government was even accused of—one of them fatal—targeting Sikhs on North American soil last year. Taking a stand against Modi and his Hindu nationalism might also help improve internal relationships within the Indian American diaspora. A conducted by my organization, the Indian American Council, and ReThink Media, revealed that over 80% of Indian American Muslim respondents have faced discrimination from their Hindu peers. As one survey respondent remarked: “I have lost good, old friends to Islamophobia and hatred fueled by the BJP government.” One pro-Modi Hindu nationalist organization in the U.S., the Vishwa Hindu Parishad of America, has to its Indian counterpart, which has been against Muslims. Another pro-Modi Hindu nationalist group, the Global Hindu Heritage Foundation, reportedly hosted a to raise funds to destroy churches in India. Modi’s U.S. visit is likely to mobilize organizations whose presence in American communities is deeply harmful to the diaspora and the U.S. as a whole. With 50% of Indian Americans supporting Modi compared to 74% of Indians in India, according to a , it's time for his American critics, like us, to make our voices heard. Indian Americans and Americans of all faiths cannot continue to allow Modi to use our country as a platform to legitimize his policies abroad and spread hate here at home. During Modi's latest U.S. visit, we must use our voices to guide the U.S.-India relationship in a more productive direction, making it clear that if India is to continue to receive diaspora support, Modi must immediately end his regime's persecution of minorities, its on the free press, and its attempts to export these hateful policies into the United States.

In recent weeks, Donald Trump has claimed authorship of Project 2025, a comprehensive plan to transform the federal government into a stronghold of conservative power. While Project 2025 aligns closely with his vision, Trump is right to say that it's not entirely his own creation. Project 2025 is not an isolated phenomenon or the product of a single administration. It's the most recent manifestation of a decades-long legal campaign to expand executive power. Trump is more of a conduit than a visionary, the current figurehead of a movement that began long before him and will likely continue long after he's gone. The origins of this ideological movement can be traced back to Richard Nixon's presidency, when conservative thinkers and operatives started developing a legal framework that would concentrate power in the executive branch at the expense of Congress, the courts, and the public. Their vision stemmed from what historian Arthur Schlesinger called the “imperial presidency.” Beginning with Harry Truman, five consecutive presidential administrations expanded executive authority. This escalation reached its peak under Nixon, whom Schlesinger observed "became the first to profess the monarchical doctrine that the sovereign can do no wrong.”Nixon wielded his monarchical power both secretly—most famously during Watergate—and openly, claiming that Article II of the Constitution empowered him to withhold funds already allocated by Congress and to conduct widespread, warrantless wiretaps.Nixon's assertions of executive authority faced resistance; Congress and the Supreme Court blocked the impoundment and wiretaps, respectively. However, his claims also influenced a generation of Republicans to embrace an unchecked executive. Among those who came of age politically during the height of the imperial presidency were future Vice President Dick Cheney and future Chief Justice William Rehnquist. Both, as young White House staffers, sought to institutionalize Nixon's vision of virtually unlimited presidential power. Rehnquist, appointed to the Supreme Court by Nixon in 1971, also emerged as a pivotal figure in the effort to reclaim expansive executive power. His thinking and advocacy shaped a generation of conservative lawyers, including future Chief Justice John Roberts. While clerking for Rehnquist in 1981, Roberts witnessed the Justice advocate for a broad interpretation of executive power in the case of . Roberts would join the Reagan Administration after his clerkship, and it was in Reagan's Department of Justice, under Attorney General Edwin Meese, where the quest for a more powerful presidency found renewed momentum. As Attorney General, Meese also focused on appointing conservative judges with experience in Republican administrations. Consequently, in 1986, Reagan promoted Rehnquist to be chief justice and added Scalia, whose experiences had shaped his belief in expansive presidential authority, to the Court. Other young conservative lawyers in the Reagan administration—including future Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito—absorbed Meese's ideas about expansive executive power before later Republican presidents appointed them as federal judges.It wasn't until the George W. Bush Administration, during which Cheney served as Vice President, that the full restoration of the imperial presidency materialized. Through the aggressive use of military force, indefinite detentions, and invasive surveillance, the vision of an unrestrained presidency—first articulated in the Nixon era and refined during Reagan's tenure—gained new force. These ideas now shape the thinking of the federal courts, especially the Supreme Court. Its conservative supermajority includes Roberts, Thomas, and Alito, along with Brett Kavanaugh — who worked for Bush and has named Rehnquist as his “first judicial hero” — and Neil Gorsuch, who also worked for Bush.  The culmination of their decades-long push for greater executive power came in July when they — joined in part by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, the Court's remaining Republican appointee — ruled that presidents had broad immunity from criminal prosecution for “official acts.” This ruling solidified the imperial presidency.Roberts' opinion notably omitted any discussion of Nixon's crimes, yet its underlying legal rationale echoed Nixon's infamous claim that "when the President does it, that means it is not illegal." This legal framework would have been inconceivable in 1974 to all but a handful of conservative ideologues disillusioned by Nixon's resignation. But now it's embedded in constitutional law. The relentless rise of expansive notions of executive power has begun to erode the democratic principles that Nixon's resignation was thought to uphold. Project 2025 represents the latest dark legacy of this ideological lineage — one that transcends any individual. It is the product of a patient, persistent movement that has outlasted presidencies and weathered political storms. The next chapter of this concerning democratic decline will unfold this fall. Candidate Trump, entangled in legal trouble, seeks refuge in the imperial presidency. "Article II, where I have the right to do whatever I want as president," he says. Project 2025 provides a blueprint for these aspirations; a Supreme Court that he reshaped is fully supportive. The decision rests with the voters. Duncan Hosie is a legal scholar and the Steven Polan fellow in constitutional law & history at the Brennan Center of the NYU School of Law. Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. . Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors.